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February 2008
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FeaturesMeeting the Needs of Rural Caregivers: The Development and Evaluation of an Alzheimer's Caregiving Series
Sandra Bailey
Lynn Paul
Department of Health & Human Development IntroductionCaregiving for a chronically ill person is a challenging task. Chronic illness is characterized by its long-term nature and uncertainty of prognosis. On a daily basis, managing chronic illness requires balancing illness needs with tasks. There is difficulty in controlling emotions, such as pain, anxiety, grief, and depression, and physical problems, such as weight loss and reduced strength in the chronically ill person. Yet informal caregivers often do not define themselves as such, thus making it difficult for them to see the toll caregiving takes on their own health. The disruption of the lives of individuals and families along with financial drains, added stresses from efforts to normalize relationships, social isolation, and stigma affect all involved (Miller, 1993).
Trends indicate a continued increase in the number of adults who provide caregiving to family and friends (Berg-Weger & Tebb, 2004; Marks, Lambert, & Choi, 2002). It is estimated that one in four households have at least one person providing informal caregiving, defined as care provided by family, friends, and neighbors as opposed to paid or volunteer formal caregivers (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Administration on Aging [AOA], 2004). Caregivers assume a wide variety of responsibilities for which they have not been trained (Marks et al., 2002). The most common caregiver responsibilities can be categorized as personal care, emotional support, financial assistance, and linking with formal care providers, with each category representing an array of time-consuming tasks (Stone, Cafferata, & Sangl, 1987). Caregivers often suffer greatly from the demands of caregiving, with greater caregiver burden for those caring for people with complex chronic illnesses (Levine, Reinhard, Feinberg, Albert, & Heart, 2004). These demands result in poorer physical and psychosocial health for the caregiver (AOA, 2004). A recent study documented that older, burdened caregivers of spouses have 63% higher mortality risks than their non-caregiving peers (Schultz & Beach, 1999). One particularly stressful caregiving situation is that of caring for a loved one with Alzheimer's disease. Alzheimer's disease is the leading cause of dementia. It is a progressive disease that affects the individual physically and psychologically (Alzheimer's Association, 2005). The disease currently has no cure. Due to the progression of the disease and the lack of a cure, caregivers of Alzheimer's patients experience increasing burdens that can affect their own physical and psychological well-being. There are an estimated 16,843 people in Montana diagnosed with Alzheimer's disease (Alzheimer's Association, 2005). More than 70% of Alzheimer's patients live at home and are primarily cared for by family members or friends (Alzheimer's Association, 2005). Because of the rural nature of the state, Alzheimer's patients and their families are often isolated, with few resources and supports, which creates greater challenges for caregiving. Extension professionals in the state became aware of the situation from the Alzheimer's Association state chapter and Extension constituents in the state. To address this unmet need, Extension county agents and specialists developed the Alzheimer's Caregiver Series for informal caregivers. This article discusses the development of the series and evaluation of the project and provides information for replication in other states. Family CaregivingEighty percent of home care services are provided by family members who may live close to or in the same house as the ill person (U.S. Agency for Health Care Research and Quality [AHCRQ], 2000). It is estimated that almost one out of every four U.S. households contains a caregiver for a relative or friend at least 50 years old (AOA, 2004). The likelihood of an adult becoming a family caregiver is increasing (Marks et al., 2002). In Montana, there are an estimated 88,154 family caregivers who annually provide 94,000,000 caregiving hours with a market value of $832,000,000 (National Family Caregiver Association [NFCA], 2003). A typical caregiver is a married woman who works outside the home; however, more men are assuming caregiver responsibilities (NFCA, 2003). Most caregivers receive great satisfaction from providing support to the chronically ill person, but it is common for caregivers to experience significant physical and psychosocial problems (Schultz & Beach, 1999; Marks et al., 2000). Common psychosocial problems include depression and lowered self-esteem (Marks et al., 2002), while physical problems include poorer nutritional status (Silver & Wellman, 2002). In addition, long-term caregiving can affect the caregiver's employment and interferes with providing for the needs of other family members and friends (AOA, 2004). Caregivers assume many roles as the physical and mental health of the ill person deteriorates (Stone et al., 1987). The primary caregiver manages all or parts of tasks the chronically ill person is no longer capable of performing. Therefore, a primary caregiver may both manage a variety of needs of a household or individual as well as provide direct care to the chronically ill (Silver & Wellman, 2002). As a result, caregivers can assume an overwhelming array of responsibilities that require the caregiver to be knowledgeable about and act upon needs such as legal, financial, medical, emotional, transportation, and home maintenance. The primary caregiver also interacts with, manages the responsibilities of, and provides updated information to a variety of other caregivers, who may include informal caregivers, such as the spouse, adult child, grandchild, relative, friend, neighbor, and formal caregivers, such as paid professionals or volunteers. Challenges of Rural CaregiversLiving in a rural setting further complicates the initiation and follow-through of a health maintenance program for caregivers of those with chronic illness. In Montana, 50 of the 56 counties are designated as frontier counties. This means that residents in the 50 counties have greater obstacles in accessing care for families. Additionally, the eastern portion of the state is experiencing a decline of population, leaving behind an aging population with fewer services. Caregivers of Alzheimer's afflicted friends and loved ones face particular challenges and obstacles. Typical obstacles include distance, terrain, climate, lack of providers, fewer available specialty services, and lack of social support (Krummel, Humphries, & Tessaro, 2002; Paul & Weinert, 1999). As the length of time for caregiving increases, overall physical health of caregivers declines (AOA, 2004). It is imperative that caregivers for rural older adults have access to effective caregiver training to assist them in maintaining their own health and well-being. Only a few published studies document the outcomes of caregiver training with even fewer published studies documenting results of comprehensive caregiver training for rural, older adults with chronic illness (Kaasalainen, Craig, & Wells, 2000). Preparation of CaregiversThe majority of caregivers transition into caregiver roles without the knowledge or skills to provide effective caregiving (Marks et al., 2002). However, caregiver training can improve well-being and health for these two at-risk populations, the chronically ill and their caregivers (AOA, 2004; Silver, 2004). For example, training in nutrition information and skills can positively affect healthy food choices of the chronically ill person and the caregiver. The goal of caregiver training is to ultimately improve the effectiveness of caregiving to the chronically ill person and reduce caregiver burden (AOA, 2004). Development of effective caregiver training addresses appropriate educational strategies for the burdened caregiver, provides comprehensive coverage of caregiver tasks, and considers an educational format and delivery system that is affordable, practical, and easily accessed. Effective caregiver training programs are formally evaluated to document that the program met training goals. Training content includes knowledge, skills, and resources for the ill person and the caregiver. Appropriate educational strategies are employed to meet the learning needs of individuals and their environmental context. The outcomes of effective caregiver training include improved indicators for health, finances, and other related categories.
Planning of the Alzheimer's Caregiver SeriesSince 2002, the MSU Extension Service has been working with the Alzheimer's Association state chapter to increase the awareness and support for caregivers in the form of in-kind assistance and monetary contributions for conferences and participation on the board of directors. Although conferences on the topic of Alzheimer's disease are held annually, the location and time away from caregiving often precludes many rural caregivers from attending. This need led to a request to hold a "conference" in the rural northeast portion of the state. Originally the state Family and Consumer Science Extension specialists planned to have a 1-day conference in northeast Montana targeting informal caregivers of Alzheimer's patients. Feedback from Extension agents and constituents suggested that a better use of time and resources would be a 5-week series. In this format, each specialist would travel to northeast Montana (approximately a 500-mile drive one way from the university) and present his or her seminar six times in the five-county area over the course of a week. The result was the development of a 5-week educational series using didactic educational strategies emphasizing: 1) an introduction to the disease presented by county agents using a video or local expert; 2) family interactions and caregiver stress; 3) nutrition; 4) financial planning and legal issues; and 5) Alzheimer's-proofing the home. Funding for the series was a collaborative effort with an MSU Extension Director's mini grant, a commitment from four Family and Consumer Science specialists' operations budgets, and county budget commitments. The total budget for the series was $4,800.00. Additionally, in-kind contributions of brochures and other materials from the Alzheimer's Association, Montana Chapter, were provided, and local in-kind contributions of space to hold the series and refreshments were provided in the counties. EvaluationMore than 80 individuals attended the 5-week series. Although the series targeted the informal caregivers such as friends and family members, a variety of other individuals attended, including home healthcare providers, nursing assistants, and long-term care facility staff. A few participants attended because they had lost a loved one due to Alzheimer's. Several of these individuals indicated they wished the series had been available when they were caregiving. This study reported here was exploratory in nature. All attendees were invited to participate in the evaluation; however, participation was voluntary. Demographic data from the evaluations revealed that the majority of participants were ages 50 years and older (75%), and most were Caucasian (98%) and female (87%). Although attendance varied somewhat from week to week, it was relatively consistent, and there was little attrition. The majority of participants resided in communities with fewer than 5,000 people. OutcomesThe evaluation of the project was based on the logic model of evaluation assessing short-term, medium-term, and longer-term outcomes. Data were gathered at three different points of time. Short-term outcomes were measured through a pencil and paper evaluation given at the end of each presentation. A telephone interview 6 weeks after the end of the series with a random sample of 14% (N = 11) of the participants assessed medium-term outcomes. A telephone interview conducted 4 months after the end of the series with another random sample of 11% (N=9) of participants assessed long-term outcomes. Short-Term OutcomesThe short-term evaluation assessed what the participants in the series learned related to financial planning issues, nutrition, home modifications, and family interactions related to caring for an Alzheimer's patient. The response rate varied depending upon the attendance at a particular class. The average response rate was approximately 69% of attendees at a particular class. Results from the short-term evaluation of the presentations revealed:
Anecdotal and observational data also provided the project with valuable information. One woman attended who thought she might have early stages of Alzheimer's and wanted to learn more. Another woman who had not been able to be out of her husband's sight due to the disease started using respite care. Her husband was resistant to going to a daycare facility but by the third session he was comfortable with it, which allowed his wife to receive much needed respite. Nurses' aides and home health care workers commented on how the information would be useful for the families of the Alzheimer's patients for whom they were caregiving. Medium-Term OutcomesThe medium-term outcomes sought to assess if the participants had followed through and used the information from the series. A random sample of participants (11) was selected for telephone interviews 6 weeks after the series was completed. Eighty-one percent of those interviewed stated that they had shared the information with a family member, coworker, or friend, thus increasing the number of participants receiving benefit from the program. Nine out of the 11 participants interviewed had already used some of the information learned in the series. A participant shared: "I am suspicious of a family member, and I have not had time yet to address any issues, but just having the information helps me look for more things and be more aware." One person stated: "I am using the nutrition information, and it has helped me to more or less recuperate from the stress of taking care of my mom because I was the sole caregiver." Ten out of the 11 participants (91%) planned to use the information with friends, family members, or co-workers. One person commented "[I am] more aware of people in the family and also at the business, here at the store. There was one lady who I think may have Alzheimer's and she was trying to write a check for more and just being aware of that and helping the family be aware of what she is doing. I think just having a general knowledge and awareness to use for everyday life." Longer-Term OutcomesThe longer-term outcome of the series was to assess if participants felt more comfortable in their caregiving role and had a greater understanding of how they can assist a loved one afflicted with Alzheimer's. Additionally, we wanted to know if participants were interested in more educational programming on caregiving. Four months after the series ended, a random sample of nine participants was selected to participate in a telephone interview. This length of time was selected due to feasibility and propriety (The Joint Committee on Standards for Educational Evaluation, 1994). Those participants who were interviewed at the mid-term evaluation were eliminated from the sample to avoid over evaluating any one participant. Eight out of the nine participants or (89%) agreed or strongly agreed that they had increased their self-confidence in caregiving. All reported that they were better prepared for their role as a caregiver since participating in the series. The evaluation of the series found that there was an interest in continuing to offer additional educational programming on caregiving. Extension professionals are now training class leaders in the Powerful Tools for Caregiving program so that county agents and others can offer the 6-week program in their communities. Another resource, Tenderhearts, (Parsons, 2004) is being adapted to our state. This is a project to assist caregivers in organizing information and keeping journals about their caregiving to assist them when working with health care professionals. These efforts along with fact sheets on topics of interest to caregivers have expanded Extension's role in caregiving educational programming. Implications for ReplicationBecause of the success of the program, a similar effort has been implement in two other areas of the state. The program is also being packaged for national dissemination. The evaluations of the series were overwhelmingly positive. The comments made for improvement were aimed at publicity for the series. Many participants commented that they knew of others who would benefit from participating in the series. We have formalized a brochure for the series with space for each county to add locally specific information. We have also scheduled conference calls with the participating county agents to discuss advertising and potential collaborators in their areas. Reaching out to community healthcare providers, registered dieticians, assisted living, and nursing home staff is important in getting the word out about the series. The program was designed for the informal caregiver, yet caregivers and staff from nursing homes, home health care agencies, and hospitals attended. We found with the series that both informal and formal caregivers gained from the program, and we will continue to offer it to both groups. With little access to continued education available in remote communities, we found that the series was also of great interest to paid caregivers. Future plans include evaluating long-term impacts and providing continuing education credit to those who desire it. The aging baby-boomers in the United States and the changing population in Montana have resulted in a need for Extension to focus on the issue of caregiving. Although our project began as a response to the needs of caregivers of Alzheimer's patients, we see that the project will grow as we enter into other areas of caregiving for our aging population. Acknowledgment We would like to thank Sheila Friedrich, Sheridan County Extension agent, for her comments on an earlier draft of this article. ReferencesAlzheimer's Association. (2005). Alzheimer's disease fact sheet. Retrieved January 10, 2005 from http://www.alz.org/Resources/FactSheets/FSADFacts.pdf. Alzheimer's Association, Montana Chapter Newsletter. (2004, Winter). Copy Editor. Berg-Weger, M., & Tebb, S. S. (2004). Conversations with researchers about family caregiving: trends and future directions. Generations 27(4), 9-16. Kaasalainen, S., Craig, D., & Wells, D. (2000). Impact of the caring for aging relatives group program: An evaluation. Public Health Nursing, 17(3), 169-177. Krummel, D. A., Humphries, D., & Tessaro, I. (2002). Focus groups on cardiovascular health in rural women: implications for practice. Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior, 34(1), 38-46. Levine, C., Reinhard, S. C., Feinberg, L. F., Albert, S., & Hart, A. (2004). Family caregivers on the job: moving beyond ADLs and IADLs. Generations 27(4), 17-23. Marks, N. E., Lambert, J. D., & Choi, H. (2002). Transitions to caregiving, gender and psychological : A prospective U.S. national study. Journal of Marriage and Family, 64, 657-667. National Family Caregivers Association. Prevalence and economic value of caregiving: state by state analysis. Montana statistics. Retrieved January 9, 2005 from http://www.thefamilycaregiver.org/pdfs/state_stats.pdf Parsons, K. G. (2004). Tenderhearts: A helping hand for family caregivers of the elderly. Kansas State University Extension. Manhattan, KS: Department of Human Nutrition. Paul, L., & Weinert, C. (1999). Wellness profile of midlife women with a chronic illness. Public Health Nursing, 16(5), 341-350. Schulz, R., & Beach, S. R. (1999). Caregiving as a risk factor for mortality: The Caregiver Health Effects Study. Journal of the American Medical Association, 282 (23),2215-2219. Silver, H. J., & Wellman, N.S. (2002). Nutrition education may reduce burden in family caregivers of older adults. Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior, 34 (Supplement 1), S53-S58. Stone, R., Cafferata, G.L., & Sangl, J. (1987). Caregivers of the frail elderly: a national profile. The Gerontologist, 27(5), 616-626. The Joint Committee on Standards for Educational Evaluation (1994). The program evaluation standards, (2nd Ed). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. U.S. Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. Long-term care users range in age and most do not live in nursing homes. Research Alert, November 8, 2000. Rockville, MD. Retrieved January 4, 2005 from http://www.ahrq.gov/news/press/pr2000/ltcpr.htm U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Administration on Aging.(2004). Compassion in action: The older Americans act national family caregiver support program. Washington, DC: Squillace, M. R. & Jackson, Y.
Research-Based Outreach: Albert Bandura's Model
Stephen F. Hamilton Universities live in tension between the isolated contemplation of the monastery and the hectic exchange of the marketplace. Universities emerged in twelfth-century European cities and towns, eventually displacing monasteries and cathedral schools as centers of learning, and expanding the curriculum to prepare future doctors, lawyers, rulers, and warriors as well as clerics (Haskins, 1923/1957). Although universities have continued to enjoy some degree of protective isolation from the "real world," they also retain obligations to the societies that charter and pay for them. Living in tension between the monastery and the marketplace gives universities their capacity to bring knowledge to bear on practical problems. Extension, outreach, and engagement manifest that creative tension. (These terms can be distinguished, but they have much in common.) When universities share some of their resources with people beyond the academic community, they simultaneously demonstrate the value of the support and protection they enjoy and give up some of that protection. Land-grant universities were founded with a mission to the marketplace, but now nearly all institutions of higher education in the United States claim to do more than teach and conduct esoteric research. They encourage students, faculty, and staff to participate in their communities, point with pride to their contributions to economic development, and issue press releases about the benefits promised by their faculty's newest research findings. Energy and expertise are two of the resources universities have to share. Person-power is found in abundance on campuses. Students especially, but also staff and faculty can pitch in to make things happen in their local communities and elsewhere; alternative spring breaks to help clean up hurricane damage along the Gulf Coast are an excellent recent example. Such high-energy activities are worthwhile, but the kind of outreach that higher education can do better than any other institutions is grounded in knowledge, the academy's stock-in-trade. Not so long ago, simply disseminating reliable research-based information was a great contribution, one in which universities excelled all other institutions. Cooperative Extension is the institutional epitome of this contribution. But as the volume of information multiplies and electronic technology makes information more easily accessible, universities are in competition with many other sources of information. The challenge has become to reach out effectively and reciprocally, to move from being the fount of knowledge toward joint participation with community partners, being responsive to pressing needs while inquiring continuously into how best to meet those needs. Outreach of this nature helps to sustain the balance-in-tension between the university as a cloister for learning and the university as an actor in the affairs of the day. (See Peters, Jordan, Adamek, & Alter, 2005, for an insightful treatment of this type of engagement.) Social Cognition in the Service of Health and WelfareDelivering the Henry Ricciuti Lecture at Cornell, Albert Bandura provided an exceptionally rigorous example of research-based outreach, which he prefers to call "translational research." Considered by many to be the world's most eminent psychologist, Stanford's Bandura is best known for his ambitious and elegant experiments and his powerful theoretical writings. The use of his research in outreach activities helps to re-define what it means to do research-based extension. (See also Dunifon, Duttweiler, Pillemer, Tobias, & Trochim, 2004). He described several programs in developing countries that are using his insights to alter attitudes and behavior toward gender equality, family planning, and health behavior. He showed brief illustrations and discussed "serial dramas" broadcast by radio or television in Brazil, China, India, Mexico, and Tanzania. These programs have been carefully designed according to his principles of social influence and behavior change and their impact has been stunning. Enrollment in literacy programs in Mexico rose from 100,000 to 1,000,000 when TV characters learned to read. Radio dramas in Tanzania led to increased condom distribution and reductions in numbers of sexual partners. As a rigorous test of their impact, broadcasts were limited initially to one half of the country. Subsequent broadcasts to the other half of the country yielded the same changes (Bandura, 2004). The Many Contributions of ResearchResearch contributed in different ways and at multiple points to these successful efforts at "fostering society-wide changes." Bandura's presentation began with data establishing the need to reduce unsustainable population growth in developing countries. Demographic and public health data directed outreach toward demonstrated needs and toward those most in need. Those data also serve as a baseline for subsequent evaluation. Bandura's scholarship on The Social Foundations of Thought and Action (1986) provided the theoretical grounding for the serial dramas. As a partial illustration, his research has found that effective modeling for behavior change entails not only a positive model but a negative contrasting model plus a transitional model, someone who is going through the change from negative to positive. Making use of this finding, script writers created characters to serve as these three types of models. A third type of research also supported the script writers' creativity. People representing the intended audiences were interviewed about the kinds of problems and issues that are important to them, revealing as well how they think and talk about these matters. A variant of market research (more specifically, social marketing), this form of inquiry aided the script writers and actors in portraying situations with which audiences could identify. As the programs aired, additional research monitored audience response, checking on which characters proved attractive and which situations challenged audience members to think and act differently. Depending on one's discipline, this can be thought of as either additional market research or as formative evaluation. No matter how well-crafted it may be, a serial drama has no impact without an audience. Research on communication and on the diffusion of innovations guided both the broadcasting of the programs and the provision of supplementary programs, such as increased availability of contraception. Research of this nature revealed, for example, that villages in which people gathered around one radio to listen to a serial drama proved to be ideal settings for post-broadcast discussions, which augmented the program's impact. It also confirmed the importance of giving audience members access to services and sources of information that would help them to follow through on intentions to change their behavior in response to the serial dramas, for example, a toll-free number to call for help in combating spouse abuse. Any enterprise of this magnitude must be carefully evaluated. The evaluation research Bandura described went well beyond the typical survey of how participants responded to a program and even beyond most attempts to assess a program's impact. Country-wide social and health statistics were used in time-series designs to track changes across entire populations. The experimental design employed in Tanzania yielded exceptionally powerful confirmation of the program's effectiveness. Everett Rogers, who originated research on the diffusion of innovations (Rogers, 2003), was responsible for this experiment (Rogers et al., 1999). One more kind of research contributed to the project Bandura described. It is so obvious as to remain implicit: the content conveyed in the programs is supported by research (e.g., condom use reduces the risk of HIV-AIDS infection). This brings us back to the dissemination of research-based information. Information dissemination remains a necessary element of contemporary outreach, but it is no longer sufficient. Social science research is essential to improving the design and delivery of outreach, but research in other disciplines can provide the content, and the arts and humanities can make unique contributions. Bandura was quick to praise the gifted writers who created engaging characters and plot lines and the talented actors who brought them to life, without which his theoretical concepts could not have been applied effectively. Serial dramas also required musicians, camera operators, set designers, and other creative talent. A New Yorker article credits Mexican TV director, Miguel Sabido, with developing serial dramas. Sabido, in turn, credits Bandura with the insights that guide his work (Rosin, 2006). Forms of Research That Contribute to OutreachBandura's model illustrates a rich and complex interweaving of research with outreach. The threads can be pulled apart and arrayed in rough chronological order to illustrate an ideal case of research-based outreach.
Even though this separation is somewhat artificial, it reveals how limited conventional notions of research-based outreach can be. Certainly the content of outreach programs should be valid and up-to-date and certainly programs should be carefully evaluated, but the contributions of research can be much greater. In addition to their grounding in social science, medical, and public health research, the serial dramas depended upon experts in the arts and humanities as well. It is too easy to identify scholarship with research, and research with science. Outreach should draw on multiple disciplines, even when their contribution is something other than research. Implications for Research and OutreachOutreach so thoroughly infused with research is not only better outreach, it also generates new knowledge. Findings about attitude change from large-scale experimental interventions often have greater "ecological validity" than those from contrived laboratory experiments (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The research that informed the programs Bandura described was conducted both in laboratories and in natural settings and was published in leading psychological journals. He did not do one kind of research as an academic psychologist and another for application. Everett Rogers' role in evaluating the impact of serial dramas in Tanzania highlights an essential point about research-based outreach: one researcher is not enough, even if the researcher is Al Bandura. One discipline's research is not enough either. Outreach is inherently an interdisciplinary endeavor. Like "big" science research, outreach is increasingly conducted by multi-disciplinary teams. Each of the forms of research that contributes to the programs Bandura described has its own standards of rigor and its own peer-reviewed journals. Outreach requires theoretically refined and empirically validated research that is conducted in a range of settings using a variety of theories and methods, each appropriate to the issue at hand and the relevant discipline(s). Linking research so closely with outreach enables scholars not only to apply what they have discovered but also to test those discoveries, advancing knowledge in the process. The effectiveness of an outreach program guided by Bandura's findings provides another level of validation of those findings beyond replication in someone else's laboratory. Achieving such a vigorous hybrid of research and outreach is not always possible, or even necessary. It serves as a model that cannot always be replicated. Not every problem generates or merits the amount of resources required to mount a nation-wide campaign to change behavior. Moreover, such a campaign would be far more challenging in the United States and other media-soaked nations. The image of an entire village sitting around a radio epitomizes how different things are here. Reflecting on the six different uses of research in the work Bandura described and on the other contributions that made the serial dramas effective can help those engaged in research and outreach to identify both the strengths and the limitations of their enterprise. It should, at the least, help clarify that "research-based" outreach needs more than one kind of research. Bandura made a strong case during his visit to Cornell that the amalgam of research with outreach that he described is essential to the future of psychology, but the point applies to other academic disciplines as well. Although thrilling achievements in space exploration and fascinating discoveries in elementary particle physics continue to drive public support for research, taxpayers increasingly want to know how they can expect to benefit from their investment in research. Medicine and the life sciences have answered that question most compellingly and have flourished as a result. Social and behavioral scientists have been far less successful at demonstrating the value of their work and building broad public support. Scholars in the arts and humanities face much higher hurdles. Linking research and other forms of scholarship more closely with outreach will not only help solve important problems outside of academe but also help to renew and maintain the disciplines. Few scientists achieve Albert Bandura's level of productivity and distinction, and few outreach efforts are as ambitious and efficacious as the ones he described. Programs with different content and methods and scholars from different disciplines will all deviate substantially from this example. No single scholar can hope to approximate this ideal. Even large-scale team projects will usually fall short in some aspects. But the rich mutual reinforcement of research and practice that he described should inspire all of us to link research more tightly with outreach and to do so at multiple points rather than settling for research-based content. ReferencesBandura, A. (1986). The social foundations of thought and action: A social cognitive theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Bandura, A. (2004). Health promotion by social cognitive means. Health education and behavior, 31 (2): 143-164. Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature and design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Dunifon, R., Duttweiler, M., Pillemer, K., Tobias, D., & Trochim, W.M.K. (2004). Evidence-based extension. Journal of Extension, 42(2). Available at: http://www.joe.org/joe/2004april/a2.shtml Haskins, C. H. (1923/1957) The rise of universities. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press (originally published by Henry Holt and Company). Peters, S. J., Jordan, N. R., Adamek, M., & Alter, T. R. (Eds.) (2005). Engaging campus and community: The practice of public scholarship in the state and land-grant university system. Dayton, OH: The Kettering Foundation Press. Rogers, E. M. (2003). Diffusion of innovations, fifth edition. New York: Free Press. Rogers, E. M., Vaughan, P. W., Swalehe, R. M. A., Rao, N., Svenkerud, P., & Sood, S., (1999). Effects of an entertainment-education radio soap opera for family planning behavior in Tanzania. Studies in Family Planning, 30: 1193-1211. Rosin, H. (2006). Life lessons: Annals of broadcasting. The New Yorker, 82: (16, June 5), 40-45.
Now Is the Time for Change: Reframing Diversity Planning at Land-Grant Universities
Susan V. Iverson Background and SignificanceCongress passed the Morrill Act in 1862, creating a new type of university. These land-grant universities were based on the ideas that U.S. higher education should be open to all, provide liberal and practical education, and prepare the citizenry for the U.S. labor market (Campbell, 1995; McDowell, 2001). Dedicated to teaching, research, and public service, these land-grant universities continue to be recognized as educational leaders and many have joined the ranks of the nation's most distinguished public research universities (Johnson, 1999). Yet the institution "with its emphasis on 'equal access'" (Johnson, 1999, p. 222) faces a challenge: not all sectors of society have benefited equally (NASULGC, 1999). For instance, historically, Black farmers have been excluded from USDA and land-grant programs (Schor, 1992); and women have been (and remain) under-represented in agricultural components of Extension (Hassanein, 1999; Hine & Cheney, 2000). Further, Ewert, and Rice (1994) observe that "Cooperative Extension's traditional, white, rural clientele is aging and the rapidly growing, ethnically diverse population remains under-represented in its programs." Academic fundamentalism may contribute to these inequities in 1862 land-grant universities; the "gate-keeping function of a 'research-based approach' . . . may have unintended consequences of excluding diversity" (Hassel, 2004). A commitment to access that is "inclusive of talented and qualified individuals of every race and ethnicity" (Now is the time, 2005), coupled with demands for the land-grant institution to increase its multicultural competence and effectiveness, has contributed to the elevation of diversity as an educational priority (Gurin, Dey, Hurtado, & Gurin, 2002). In response, land-grant universities, and their respective colleges and Extension offices, initiate diversity planning and assessment and generate diversity action plans to increase access and retention of historically underrepresented populations, improve campus climate and inter-group relations, incorporate diversity into the curriculum and program design, and utilize diversity as a resource for an enriched and engaged academic environment (Ewert & Rice, 1994; Hurtado, 1992; Ibarra, 2001; Smith & Schonfeld, 2000). These university policies codify an institution-wide commitment to influence and determine decisions to strengthen, enhance, promote, and support coordinated and integrated diversity efforts, applied to students, faculty, and staff. Despite the proliferation of recommendations, initiatives, and strategies, codified in diversity action plans, many segments of the national population continue to be grossly underrepresented on campus and under-served, and the capacity and effectiveness of land-grant universities to function inclusively in a multicultural world remains under-achieved (Ibarra, 2001; Ingram, 2005; Valverde, 1998). PurposeIn order to enhance understanding of these diversity policy documents, how they contribute to producing a particular cultural reality, and how they may compromise the achievement of their own goals, the study described here sought to identify and analyze discourses circulating in diversity action plans. These policy documents are a primary means by which land-grant universities advance recommendations regarding their professed commitment to inclusive access and an equitable climate for all members of the campus community. As Schauber and Castania (2001) observe, diversity policies provide a "vision for change" and "the language and goals that can guide our system." As such, diversity action plans not only record and reflect organizational culture (e.g., as an archival document), but also construct particular realities for members of the institution (e.g., construct power relations and re/produce dominant ideologies) (Allan, 2003). This is explicitly notable when programs and policies are designed "from a dominant cultural perspective, which does not work for most of our under-represented cultural groups" (Schauber & Castania, 2001). Thus, an analysis of the discourses circulating in diversity policies queries and illuminates "which groups or institutions have preferential access to various kinds of knowledge, which groups or institutions set the criteria for the very definition or legitimization of knowledge, and which are specially involved in the distribution of knowledge--or precisely in the limitation of knowledge in society" (van Dijk, 2002, p. 88). Well-intentioned attempts to create a more inclusive institutional culture may unwittingly reinforce practices that support exclusion and inequity. The use of assumptive concepts in diversity planning policies may limit a policy's effectiveness and actually reinscribe the very problem the policy seeks to alleviate (Allan, 2003; Bacchi, 1999; Ball, 1990; Scheurich, 1994). Defining Diversity"Diversity" is a term often used but without simple definition. In their review of diversity scholarship, Linnehan and Konrad (1999) identified four themes:
The predominant usage of diversity is often the first: defined demographically, listing multiple identity statuses (e.g., race-ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, disability, age, religion). Yet these identity categories are typically without definition, leaving diversity to mean difference that is reflective of how those who are socially dominant define reality for themselves and others (see Jones, 1996; Yanow, 2003; West & Fenstermaker, 1995 for elaboration on the social construction of difference). Diversity is a socially constructed concept, "into which 'others' are now being added" (Ellsworth, 1999, p. 35). For this article, my use of the word "diversity" is as an all-inclusive category representing (subsuming) numerous identity groups; this is consistent with its definition in diversity action plans (differences in age, ethnicity, gender, race, culture, nationality, sexual orientation, religion, class, and physical ability). Notably, while the policies delineate multiple identity statuses, and some add that diversity can be viewed more broadly, incorporating differences in thoughts, ideas, perspectives, and personalities, the attention in the plans (e.g., their descriptions of problems and recommendations) focuses primarily on race and gender, and secondarily on sexual orientation and disability, with little to no discussion of the other identity statuses defined in the introduction to the plans. Some scholars offer a critique of the term "diversity," suggesting alternatives (e.g., Bensimon's 2005 discussion of three cognitive frames--diversity, deficit, equity--and her argument that individuals must shift from deficit and diversity toward equity thinking); however, it is beyond the scope of this article to engage this analysis. Thus, while acknowledging the limitations of the existing conception of diversity, I adopt the term as explicated in the policies. Diversity PlanningThe origins of diversity planning can be traced to institutional policies of the 1960s and 1970s on equal opportunity and affirmative action that considered race, along with other factors, in assembling a diverse student body of varying talents, backgrounds, and perspectives. These laws and policies, along with changing demographics in the U.S., have contributed to the construction of diversity as a social phenomenon requiring institutional attention. Pluralism and globalization rose to the top of the agenda in the late 1980s for numerous university presidents and system chancellors who, in addition to identity-specific commissions (i.e. women's commissions), convened Commissions on Pluralism into the 1990s (e.g., University of Maine System, 1989). Similarly, the Cooperative Extension System engaged committees in strategic diversity planning and published several reports during this time, as shown by these selected examples: 1988 Organized the Council on Diversity 1989 Established "Emphasis on Diversity" 1990 Published two reports: Valuing Diversity and Celebrating Diversity and Pathway to Diversity 1991 Released Commitment to Diversity and Pluralism In 1999, the Change Agent States for Diversity (CASD) project was initiated by Cooperative Extension. The goal of this project was to "build the capacity of land-grant universities to function inclusively and effectively in a multicultural world" and "set standards and implement a vision for supporting healthy, thriving, culturally diverse communities through Extension, research, and academic programs" (Ingram, 2005). More recently, Cooperative Extension published Pathways to Diversity Reaffirmed (2003) to intensify its commitment to diversity and codify recommendations for change. Land-grant universities continue to generate their own diversity policies--documents that serve as a plan of action, codify "an institution-wide commitment to enhancing diversity and vigorous leadership" (Green, 1989, p. 7). Chang (2005) echoes Green, more than 15 years later, when he states that "the impact [of diversity] is likely to be strongest when campuses intervene by coordinating a set of mutually supportive and reinforcing experiences" (also Ewert & Rice, 1994). MethodsThe data for this article come from a larger study investigating the questions: (a) what predominant images, problems, and solutions related to diversity are represented in diversity action plans? and (b) what discourses are employed to shape these images, problems, and solutions? I employed Allan's (2003) method of policy discourse analysis to investigate how university diversity policies discursively frame diversity and what reality is produced by diversity action plans. A hybrid methodology, policy discourse analysis focuses on written documents; it is a strategy for examining policy discourses and the ways they come together to make particular perspectives more prominent than others (Allan, 2003). According to Ball, "discourses construct certain possibilities for thought. They order and combine words in particular ways and exclude or displace other combinations" (in Bacchi, 1999, p. 41); discourses then provide "frameworks or ways of viewing issues" (Bacchi, 1999, p. 40). Thus, my use of policy discourse analysis serves to illuminate how these texts (diversity action plans) construct social relationships and re/produce dominant ideologies (and conceal alternatives) regarding inequities in higher education. For this sample, I screened 50 U.S. "1862 land-grant" universities (one per state), seeking institutions that had a diversity committee, charged by a senior administrator (e.g., president, provost), which had developed at least one university-wide diversity action plan issued within a recent 5-year period (1999-2004). This search yielded 21 diversity action plans issued at 20 U.S. land-grant universities over a 5-year period (see Appendix A). I retrieved these policies from the Internet sites of each institution (with two exceptions, from which I acquired paper copies of the policies and then scanned these to generate electronic copies). All documents were loaded into NVivo, computer software designed for qualitative data analysis, and then analyzed using line-by-line coding. The process of data analysis was informed by established methods of coding and categorizing (Marshall & Rossman, 1999; Miles & Huberman, 1994) to identify broad themes and predominant images of diversity. Initially, I conducted line-by-line analysis of each report in reply to the research questions. Once all documents were coded, I used NVivo to generate "reports" for each category--images, problems, and solutions--across all diversity action plans. These reports were then analyzed using both deductive and inductive processes, which served as the second phase of coding; in this phase, the codes assigned were both descriptive and interpretive (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Finally, an examination of the coded data for conceptual patterns and linkages illuminated how coded text reflected and shaped discourses circulating within the scripts and how these discourses produced particular identity positions. Findings and InterpretationsThe goal of the inquiry was to understand how university diversity policies frame ideas about diversity and what realities are produced by the discourses carried in these documents. The investigation of the 21 diversity action plans examined:
Analysis of 21 diversity action plans revealed a dominant discourse of access, evident in attention to and improvement of recruitment, retention, and advancement practices to enhance entrée and representation, and create a campus culture affirming of diverse individuals (Figure 1). Three distinct strands were evident within the access discourse: a discourse of entrée, clear in calls for diverse persons to be permitted to enter and participate in the university; a discourse of representation, apparent in attention to greater involvement, full participation, and increased retention and advancement; and a discourse of affirmation, visible in calls for diverse persons to be valued, welcomed, and celebrated by the campus culture. These discourses coalesce to produce the diverse individual as an outsider to the university, particular arenas within the institution, and the dominant culture.
Figure 1. Analysis also revealed descriptions of diverse individuals as at-risk for educational failure before entering institutions of higher education and remaining at-risk once a member of the university--at-risk for educational failure, non-promotion, no advancement, no tenure, attrition, discrimination, and harassment, among other things. These characterizations are made visible by a discourse of disadvantage, along with a discursive strand of discrimination that constructs the diverse individual as an at-risk victim (Figure 1). Framed in this way, differences in educational outcomes are generally attributed to lack of academic preparation, deficiencies in skills, and inadequate support. The diverse individual, constituted as at-risk before and after entering the university, is also dependent on the university--represented by an administration that is predominantly white and male--for access to and success in higher education, as well as for remediation, skill development, safety, and support. Further analysis revealed a marketplace discourse, characterized by fierce competition and rapidly changing market conditions and the need for multicultural competence in the global marketplace. Two distinct strands emerged within this discourse: a discourse of excellence, evident in a focus on success and reputation, quality and performance; and a discourse of managerialism, apparent in the emphasis on effectiveness, accountability, monitoring of costs and effects, and quality assurance (Figure 2). These discourses contribute to shaping the diverse individual as a commodity, possessing economic value that can enhance the university's status, and an object to be managed.
Figure 2. Finally, analysis of diversity action plans revealed a discourse of democracy, evident in calls for inclusion and opportunity, civic responsibility, commitment to equity and equality, and open, participatory, and deliberative dialogue (Figure 2). This discourse contributes to shaping a change-agent identity, visible in individual and collective efforts to produce social change and equality as a result. The discourse of democracy emerges as an alternative to the marketplace discourse; however, the dominance and greater weight of the marketplace discourse undermines the systemic change-making possibilities of the discourse of democracy. Instead, out of the tension evident between the discourses of democracy and the marketplace, images of the change agent give way to images of entrepreneurial endeavors: individuals encouraged and rewarded for initiative and the development of innovative programs that ensure the university a competitive edge in the marketplace. Discussion and ImplicationsVarious university personnel, including Extension leadership and managers, draft and implement diversity action plans "to build the capacity of land-grant universities to function inclusively and effectively in a multicultural world" (Ingram, 2005). Toward this end, the Change Agent States for Diversity (CASD) project was initiated by Cooperative Extension to support greater cultural diversity in land-grant universities by providing technical assistance and training to participating state. In this section, the findings reported above are discussed and some recommendations are delineated for how Extension administrators might use the findings of this research to improve their work. Become Informed About Privilege and PowerLand-grant universities, and specifically Cooperative Extension, strive to open access and increase representation of racially and culturally diverse populations; yet the ability to recruit and retain diverse persons is fraught with challenges. Inextricably linked to the problem of access are inadequate resources to invest in effective recruitment and retention efforts. Predominant solutions articulated in the plans, made visible by the commingling of a discourse of managerialism with the discourses of access and disadvantage, include the development of risk factor models and criteria for improved identification of "diverse pools" to mobilize recruitment and enhance the delivery of support services. Yet the problems of access and disadvantage remain located in the diverse individuals, namely in their deficiencies and how to compensate for these or accommodate them, on their disadvantaged status and how to support them. The policies generally fail to identify privileging conditions and practices that advantage some (namely white males) and marginalize others; they fail to question what produces a risky institution for some more than others. Thus, Extension personnel, and in particular those with responsibility for diversity efforts, could benefit from reading, training, and discussion on privilege and power. Such education and training should not divert attention from the material realities of oppression and disadvantage, but rather extend discussion to include awareness of the privileging conditions that construct both oppressive and empowering realities for individuals. As Hu-DeHart (2000) critically observes, until the university interrogates its privilege, "the diversity project as we know it on our campuses [will remain] complicit in perpetuating the racial order as historically constructed" (p. 42). Be Critical of How Documents Are ConstitutedThrough awareness, Extension personnel can consider how their work could result in discursive shifts, meaning they may call upon alternative discourses. Unfortunately, this is not as simple as rewriting policy to replace certain words with others, such as searching a document for "disadvantage" and replacing it with "equality" in order to shift from a deficit to an equity focus. However, individuals can be more informed and critical of the ways in which such documents are discursively constituted. For instance, a discussion about an institution's commitment to diversity action versus equity planning may be a useful start, for a focus on equity can shift attention away from individual differences and deficiencies to institutional practices and the production of unequal educational outcomes (Bensimon, 2005). Consider the Relationship Between Stated Problems and SolutionsExtension personnel are invited to examine the (in)congruence between diversity problems and solutions. The research described here revealed a striking lack of relationship between many problems and solutions. For instance, the problems made visible by a discourse of discrimination are harassment, bias, racism, sexism, homophobia; solutions include to offer support services to those who are victims, deliver training and education, and facilitate inter-group dialogue. These solutions are important, but they fail to sufficiently address the "source" of the problem: the individuals or systems that are discriminatory, racist, sexist, and homophobic. Consideration of the relationship between stated problems and solutions can engage a process through which practitioners can question assumptions about a problem, what Stacey (1992) refers to as "double-loop learning." Such a "cognitive shift" (Bensimon, 2005) may inspire discussions about different solutions and deploy the tactical use of discourse. Disaggregate the ProblemDiscussions about "the discrepancy between shifting demographics and current practice" (Ewert & Rice, 1994) typically lump together multiple identity-based groups under the heading of "diversity" and assign concerns to all. Solutions, in turn, are assumed to apply to everyone as well. Disaggregating the problem enables Extension leaders to see the patterns of inequalities that exist and examine unequal outcomes (Bensimon, 2005). Discussing the problem in this way, enhanced through the display and analysis of disaggregated data, "can intensify learning, confirm or refute untested hypotheses, challenge preconceived ideas, motivate further inquiry, and provide the impetus for change" (Bensimon, 2005, p. 106). Embrace Multiple PerspectivesListen to (hear) all voices; learn (tell) the whole story. Diversity action plans are authored by institutional agents (e.g., administrators, faculty, and experts such as contracted consultants), and thus these documents tell one (part of the) story. Multiple perspectives exist regarding the challenges faced when organizations build their multicultural capacity (Ewert & Rice, 1994); yet the university's narrative, disseminated through institutional policy and the university newswire, can give the impression that one perspective is universally applicable (Hassel, 2004). Additional sources of knowledge can be identified, and other voices should be heard. Extension leaders can use their positional authority to facilitate dialogue--not to help "us" learn from "them," but instead to bring multiple worldviews to bear on the diversity problem through a "critical, balanced, and fair-minded approach" (Hassel, 2004). For instance, personnel can engage inter-group dialogue about the construction of identity and difference, and interrogate dominant conceptions of communities as inclusive, welcoming, and friendly environments. The discourse of affirmative that gives rise to calls for a community of inclusion sustains the insider/outsider binary in dominant views of community and unwittingly reinforces practices that support exclusion and inequity. For diversity practitioners, this demands a move away "from the certainty and arrogance of knowing to the uncertainty and humbleness of not knowing" (Huber, Murphy, & Clandinin, 2003, p. 353) to explore the ambiguities, contradictions, and tensions inherent in identities and communities. This involves negotiating understanding, attending to silences, and will likely generate "moments of discomfort . . . as we step out of familiar and into unfamiliar story lines" (Huber et al., 2003, p. 359). This shift in thinking challenges practitioners to "unpack" diversity, identity, and community, "to discover their possibilities and limitations" (Baez, 2002, p. 152). For then, we might be able to "eradicate the punishing sense of difference" that produces and sustains inequality (Yanow, 2003, p. 228). SummaryThe investigation of discourses circulating in diversity action plans described here identified dominant discourses of access, disadvantage, the marketplace, and democracy as most prominent in conveying images of diverse individuals. These discourses contribute to shaping perceptions of diversity and constructing particular social identities for diverse individuals to assume. Discursive practices, carried by diversity action plans, produce individuals' ways of thinking and acting, meaning these discursive practices construct (at times competing) possibilities and constrain, even conceal, alternatives. In sum, the aim of the investigation was to increase practitioners' awareness of the conditions that produce particular diversity discourses, how some discourses both constrain and liberate, and how diversity action plans, in their current form, may (unwittingly) compromise the achievement of their own goals. Further, it is to be hoped that the inquiry will inspire new questions and further research about discourses of diversity, how policy discourses come together to make particular perspectives more prominent than others, and how these discourses contribute to re/producing particular cultural realities at land-grant universities, including Cooperative Extension and the constituents they serve. ReferencesAllan, E. J. (2003). Constructing women's status: Policy discourses of university women's commission policy reports. Harvard Educational Review, 73(1), 44-72. Ayers, D. F. (2005). Neoliberal ideology in community college mission statements: A critical discourse analysis. 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Multiculture in the making. In Grant, C.A. (Ed.) Multicultural research: A reflective engagement with race, class, gender and sexual orientation (24-36). Falmer Press. Ewert, D. M., & Rice, J. A. K. (1994). Managing diversity within Cooperative Extension. Journal of Extension [On-line], 32(2). Available at: http://www.joe.org/joe/1994august/a1.html Green, M. (1989). Minorities on campus: A handbook for enhancing diversity. Washington, DC: American Council on Education. Gurin, P., Dey, E. L., Hurtado, S., & G. Gurin. (2002). Diversity and higher education: Theory and impact on educational outcomes. Harvard Educational Review, 72(3). Retrieved May 31, 2005 from: http://gseweb.harvard.edu/~hepg/gurin.html. Hassanein, N. (1999). Changing the way America farms: Knowledge and community in the sustainable agriculture movement. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Hassel, C. A. (2004). Can diversity extend ways of knowing? Engaging cross-cultural paradigms. Journal of Extension [On-line], 42(2). Available at: http://www.joe.org/joe/2004april/a7.shtml Hine, S., & Cheney, L.M. (2000). Career choices and challenges among agricultural economists. Review of Agricultural Economics, 22(1), 34-41. Huber, J., Murphy, M. S., & Clandinin, D. J. (2003). Creating communities of cultural imagination: Negotiating a curriculum of diversity. Curriculum Inquiry, 33(4), 343-362. Hu-DeHart, E. (2000). The diversity project: Institutionalizing multiculturalism or managing differences? Academe, 86(5), 39-42. Hurtado, S. (1992). The campus racial climate: Contexts of conflict. Journal of Higher Education, 63(5), 539-569. Ibarra, R. A. (2001). Beyond Affirmative Action: Reframing the context of higher education. Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press. Ingram, P. D. (2005). A snapshot of the Change Agent Stated for Diversity Project. Journal of Extension [On-line], 43(1) Article 1FEA5. Available at: http://www.joe.org/joe/2005february/a5.shtml Johnson, E. L. (1999). Misconceptions of early land-grant colleges. In Goodchild, L.F. & Wechsler, H.S. (Eds.). The History of Higher Education, 2nd ed. (222-233). ASHE Reader Series. Simon & Schuster Custom Publishing. Jones, S. R. (1996). Toward inclusive theory: Disability as social construction. NASPA Journal, 33(4), 347-354. Linnehan, F., & Knorad, A. M. (1999). Diluting diversity: Implications for intergroup inequality in organizations. Journal of Management Inquiry, 8(4), 399-414. Marshall, C., & Rossman, G.B. (1999). Designing qualitative research, 3rd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. McDowell, G. R. (2001). Land-grant universities and Extension into the 21st century: Renegotiating or abandoning a social contract. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press. Miles, M., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). Qualitative data analysis: An expanded sourcebook of new methods (2nd ed.). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. Miller, H. (1998). Managing academics in Canada and the United Kingdom. International Studies in Sociology of Education, 8(1), 3-24. Retrieved August 4, 2005 from: http://www.triangle.co.uk/ NASULGC. (1999). Returning to our roots: The engaged institution. Kellogg Commission on the Future of State and Land-Grant Universities. Available at: http://www.nasulgc.org/publications/Kellogg/Kellogg1999_Engage.pdf Now is the time: Meeting the challenge for a diverse academy. (2005). Washington, DC: National Association of State Universities and Land Grant Colleges and American Association of State Colleges and Universities. Schauber, A. C., & Castania, K. (2001). Facing issues of diversity: Rebirthing the Extension Service. Journal of Extension [On-line], 39(6). Available at: http://www.joe.org/joe/2001december/comm2.html Scheurich, J. J. (1994). Policy archaeology: A new policy studies methodology. Journal of Education Policy, 9(4), 297-316. Schor, J. (1992). Fantasy and reality: The black farmer's place in American agriculture. Agriculture and Human Values, 9(1), 72-85. Smith, D. G., & Schonfeld, N. B. (2000). The benefits of diversity: What the research tells us. About Campus, 5(5), 16-23. Stacey, R. D. (1992). Managing the unknowable: Strategic boundaries between order and chaos in organizations. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Valverde, L. A. (1998). Future strategies and actions: Creating multicultural higher education campuses. In Valverde, L.A. & Castenell, Jr., L.A. (Eds.). The multicultural campus: Strategies for transforming higher education, (19-29). London: AltaMira Press. van Dijk, T. (2002). The discourse-knowledge interface. In Weiss & Wodak (Eds.) Critical discourse analysis: Theory and interdisciplinarity (85-109). Houndsmills, UK: Palgrave MacMillan. West, C., & Fenstermaker, S. (1995). Doing difference. Gender & Society, 9(1), 8-37. Yanow, D. (2003). Constructing "race" and "ethnicity" in America: Category-making in public policy and administration. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. Appendix A: Sample Documents Auburn University. (2004). Strategic Diversity Plan. Auburn, AL: Auburn University Office of the President, with Clayton and Associates. Cornell University. (2004). The Cornell University Story: A Holistic Approach to Diversity and Inclusiveness. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Office of Workforce Diversity, Equity and Life Quality. North Carolina State University. (1999). Diversity Initiative. Raleigh, NC: North Carolina State University Office of the Provost. Ohio State University. (2000). Diversity Action Plan. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Office of University Relations. Oklahoma State University. (2004). Institutional Diversity Strategic Plan. (2004). Stillwater, OK: Oklahoma State University Office of Institutional Diversity. Pennsylvania State University. (2004). Framework to foster diversity, 2004-09. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Office of the Vice Provost for Educational Equity. Texas A&M University. (2002). Report by the President's Ad Hoc Committee on Diversity and Globalization. College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Office of the President. University of Arizona. (2003). Diversity Action Plan, 2003-04. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Office of the President. University of Arkansas. (2002). Diversity Plan, 2002-05. Fayetteville, AR: University of Arkansas Office of the Provost and Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs. University of California at Berkeley. (2000). Report of the Chancellor's advisory committee on diversity. Berkeley, CA: University of California Office of the Vice Chancellor for Diversity and Equity. University of Connecticut. (2002). The Report of the Diversity Action Committee to the University of Connecticut Board of Trustees. Storrs, CT: University of Connecticut Office of the Vice Provost for Multicultural and International Affairs. University of Georgia. (2002). Institutional Diversity Strategic Plan, 2002-05. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Office of Institutional Diversity. University of Idaho. (2004). Diversity and Human Rights at the University of Idaho: Comprehensive Plan for Action and Accountability. Moscow, ID: University of Idaho Office of the President. University of Illinois. (2002). Final Report of the Diversity Initiatives Planning Committee. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Office of the Provost. University of Maine. (2003). Diversity Action Plan, 2003-05. Orono, ME: University of Maine Office of Equal Opportunity and Diversity. University of Maine. (1999). Diversity Action Plan. Orono, ME: University of Maine Office of Equal Opportunity and Diversity. University of Maryland. (2000). Report and Recommendations of the President's Diversity Panel. College Park, MD: University of Maryland Office of the President. University of Nebraska. (1999). Comprehensive Diversity Plan. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Office of the Chancellor. University of Nevada. (2002). Strategic Plan for Diversity Initiatives. Reno, NV: University of Nevada Office of the President. University of Wisconsin. (1999). Plan 2008: The campus diversity plan. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Office of the Provost. Virginia Tech University. (2000). Diversity Strategic Plan, 2000-05. Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University Office of Multicultural Affairs.
Relax! It's Just a Dandelion: Perceived Benefits and Barriers to Urban Integrated Pest Management
Mrill Ingram
John Stier
Elizabeth Bird With glacial lakes situated in the very heart of the city, Madison, Wisconsin is blessed with water resources. As is true for many urban watersheds, however, Madison has growing water pollution issues. One important pollution source is runoff from fertilizer and pesticide misuse in urban landscapes. Data from the U.S. Geological Survey indicate that urban watersheds may be more contaminated with pesticides than agricultural watersheds (USGS 1999). Inappropriate use of lawn chemicals, landscape designs that fail to lay the groundwork for plant health, and grounds-keeping practices that ignore integrated options for maintaining attractive landscapes are all part of the problem. Supported by the US EPA Pesticide Environmental Stewardship Program, the goal of the social marketing project described here was to address these issues by developing strategies to promote urban Integrated Pest Management (IPM). IPM aims to reduce chemical pesticide use by maximizing plant health and minimizing pest damage through the use of a wide array of cultural and biological as well as chemical tools. The approach has been successfully used in agriculture for over 20 years, but its perceived adoption by landscaping professionals has been slow. The Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources adopted a non-point source pollution rule (NR 151) addressing nutrient runoff from both agricultural and urban landscapes that becomes effective March 2008 (Wisconsin DNR, 2006). Initial drafts of the document would have required IPM prior to application of pesticides on any landscape greater than five acres. However, the Wisconsin Department of Agriculture, Trade and Consumer Protection has jurisdiction on pesticide use in Wisconsin and will be assessing a potential mandate for IPM (J. Stier, personal observation). We worked to identify the barriers and benefits of IPM as perceived by paid landscape managers in the Lake Monona watershed in the City of Madison and Dane County, Wisconsin. We surveyed landscapers and evaluated existing materials on IPM. We used this information and worked with urban watershed and neighborhood organizations and other collaborators to develop strategies and informational resources that support landscapers and residential landowners in choosing more environmentally friendly land care practices. Approach and MethodsThe "social marketing" approach is designed to go beyond a one-way strategy of expecting people to change their actions solely on the basis of information about negative consequences of their behavior (McKenzie-Mohr & Smith, 1999). Social marketing is a pragmatic, community-based strategy that begins with seeking to understand why people behave as they do and to identify what might support more sustainable behavior. The method assesses what people already know and believe, typically through surveys and focus groups, and then works with communities to redesign and provide appropriate tools to remove or circumnavigate barriers and to support new action (e.g. Snow & Benedict 2003). Key to the "community-based" aspect is building a relationship with target audiences. Social marketing efforts try to "open the door" for people to pursue more sustainable action through attention-getting marketing efforts but also by removing barriers and providing education and motivation for change. Successful environmental social marketing campaigns have focused on such issues as composting, recycling, salmon hatchery protection, and natural lawn care (see <http://www.cbsm.com>). Target Audience: Surveying Professional LandscapersThe project focused on establishing more clearly how a target audience--professional landscapers--view and use IPM. In general, the number of households employing professional lawn and garden care has been growing, making professional landscapers an appropriate target for research into the perceived benefits and barriers of IPM practices (Templeton, Zilberman, & Yoo, 1998). We capitalized on long-standing relationships between co-P.I. John Stier and members of the professional landscaping community in order to work with landscapers in developing and testing our survey, identifying landscapers to join a focus group, and disseminating our results. Institutional connections between the UW Environmental Resources Center and members of the Extension community were also critical in the testing and sharing of information. We created and tested a survey using guidelines from social marketing literature as well as other survey research on landscape and IPM practices (e.g., Sellmer, Ostiguy, Kelley, & Hoover, 2004; Virginia Tech Entomology Department). Two student interns, Katie MacKendrick and Kelly Mischuck, made telephone calls to landscapers. With the support of staff at UW-Madison's Environmental Resources Center, we used SPSS to code and analyze survey data. Along with information about business size and longevity, we focused on elucidating information about four main areas:
We used Dane County telephone books to gather the names of 146 professional landscapers working in the Lake Monona Watershed in Wisconsin. This group was culled to 114 by weeding out landscaping businesses focusing more on "hardscapes" rather than plant care or pest management. Of the population of 114, a total of 86 landscaping companies were successfully contacted. Our contact efforts included five phone attempts and two mailed letters (the first letter sent in advance of the first telephone call). Out of 86 contacted, 66 agreed to participate in the survey. Of those refusing to participate, three did so because pesticide application decisions were made in out-of-state corporate headquarters; several others stated they were too busy. Ten of the people were reached by a mail survey, which we sent after several unsuccessful phone attempts along with a coupon for a free diagnostic turf test. We analyzed data from these mail surveys as a parallel sample to boost and confirm indications in the data from the phone sample. In total, we had a 58% participation rate, although this included 15% who agreed to complete only a short 5-question version. The survey was conducted in late winter and early spring 2004, a period of time during which landscapers are traditionally beginning to hire seasonal workers and market their businesses but before significant landscape work can begin due to weather. Survey ResultsOur survey population was a varied one in terms of landscaper background and business size. It included people who regularly use a computer and those who never do, people with Ph.D.s and others without bachelor's degrees. The size of companies varied dramatically, from those serving 3,000 customers (one company) to those serving fewer than 100 (a total of 29). The largest company we contacted hired over 600 people; the largest group of landscapers (37) in our population hired 10 or fewer. Knowledge and Use of IPMWe found that the majority of respondents claimed to be very or somewhat familiar with IPM (87%). Only 13% said they were barely or not at all familiar. Of those who said they were familiar or somewhat familiar, 92% said they employ the approach on a regular basis. The high percentage of IPM use was surprising compared with a survey of southeastern landscapers several years ago, which indicated technology transfer to landscapers was needed to facilitate IPM adoption (Hubbell, Florkowski, Oetting, Braman, & Robacker, 2001). The differences may be a function of the community: Dane County is home to the University of Wisconsin-Madison, with a concomitant high proportion of citizens with a post-secondary education, which has been associated with people's awareness of pesticide impact (Dunlap & Beus, 1992). While not exhaustive, our survey included several questions attempting to determine the level of use of IPM and solicited examples. Some 87% of the respondents described the use of cultural practices, 74% set biological thresholds, and 94% monitor. Only 71% said that they keep records, however, and 28% stated that they spray on a standard calendar schedule, indicating that definitions and use of IPM varies between landscaper. Our question, "Do you set thresholds for pests?" elicited a number of comments, such as: "Yes, but the customer doesn't and we don't live in a bubble"; "The threshold depends on client"; and "No, the customer does." Survey respondents were very positive about the effectiveness and accessibility of IPM: 64% disagreed with the statement that IPM was not effective, and 60% were not concerned about the complexity of IPM. Eighty-three percent disagreed and strongly disagreed that the use of IPM makes their business less profitable. Almost 60% of respondents stated that IPM could make businesses more profitable. Cross tabulations revealed that the more respondents engaged in IPM practices, the higher their level of confidence about effectiveness and accessibility of IPM. Benefits of IPMRegarding the benefits of IPM, most landscapers believed that IPM would benefit Lake Monona's water quality: 84% of respondents were strongly concerned about the water quality of the lake (Figure 1). 69% agreed or strongly agreed that customers were interested in "green" lawn care. Over 90% of landscapers surveyed reported they often or sometimes suggest non-chemical techniques to their customers, while 68% reported they have had at least one customer requesting non-chemical techniques. Only 9% felt IPM would decrease company profit.
Figure 1. There was also interest in IPM and worker safety. 60% strongly agreed and 18% agreed that IPM lowers landscape workers' health risks from harmful chemicals, indicating that landscapers may have an interest in IPM in terms of issues with health, or liability, and labor. Our data shows that 36% strongly agreed and 24% agreed, "Using fewer chemical pesticides would lower my business's risk of being sued." Barriers to IPMThe two primary barriers to adopting more IPM practices by landscapers were (Figure 2):
Figure 2. Landscapers indicated strongly that customers' preferences for a perfect lawn and lack of awareness about plant ecology create barriers to IPM use. As one landscaper commented: "Four out of five people ask about chemical-free lawn care; one out of fifty is really willing to see it through." While most (71%) agreed and strongly agreed that customers are very interested in ecological land care, only half the respondents agreed that customers would pay more for a non or low-chemical approach to landscaping. Unawareness on the part of customers about lawn and garden ecology and a desire for quick results were frequently mentioned barriers to IPM use. A participant stated, "I don't know if customers aren't willing to pay so much as they aren't willing to wait." As another respondent stated, "Customers are mostly for it, but if a customer doesn't understand, it's hard to persuade consumer awareness." Another said, "Educating the public is a b____. After a few more weeds turn up, customers turn elsewhere." Lack of qualified labor was the other largest barrier to IPM, more so than availability of information about IPM. Over 80% agreed that availability of qualified labor was problematic. Our results agree with Hubbell et al. (2001), who reported worker training was critical if landscape firms were to adopt IPM. Landscaper Educational Use and NeedsOur survey results indicate that as a group Lake Monona area landscapers did not indicate a strong need for additional materials and information sources on IPM. Only 22% of respondents felt that they lacked information about plant threshold levels or pest or weed biology. Respondents indicated that they rely on a whole variety of resources for IPM information, including Cooperative Extension, trade journals, and pesticide applicator trainings. Smaller businesses relied more heavily on Cooperative Extension, trade journals, and certified pesticide applicators. On a one-to-four scale of usefulness (one being not useful and four being highly useful), over 50% of landscapers ranked Cooperative Extension as the source for highly useful information (Table 1). These data indicate Cooperative Extension is doing a good job of getting information to clients, though there may be room for improvement.
The full impact of Cooperative Extension may be underreported since 27% of landscapers get IPM information from other landscapers who may likely have obtained their information firsthand from Cooperative Extension. In addition, Cooperative Extension staff often either develop and/or speak at trade shows, which were reported as highly useful by 16% of respondents. Another 10% found Master Gardeners to provide highly useful information: Cooperative Extension developed the Master Gardener program and conducts the training to Master Gardeners. Pesticide Applicator Training (PAT) was also deemed highly useful, though several people noted that recently IPM had been excluded from these trainings. This situation is unfortunate, because certified pesticide applicators are required to attend and/or review training materials for recertification, thus PAT was the only mandated source of IPM information. Information from other sources has to be voluntarily obtained. Focus Group with Professional LandscapersIn order to explore these results and to brainstorm ideas for a social marketing strategy, we organized a half-day focus group of landscapers. Some of the participants had volunteered during our survey process, and others were solicited from our survey population. The group met in February of 2005 on the UW-Madison campus. We discussed survey results, available IPM educational materials and training, and labor needs associated with IPM. The last section of the focus group was spent discussing the major barriers identified by landscapers and possible avenues for working with homeowners to improve their reception and understanding of IPM. In terms of IPM education for landscapers and hired labor, there was interest in new formats, such as "rainy day" or "slow day" trainings that could include a videotape/DVD and a workbook made available to landscapers. Some companies have their own training programs, but many put resources together themselves and would take advantage of smaller modules on IPM directed toward hired labor. Repeated evening sessions sponsored by UW Extension was another proposed idea. In the discussion about educating homeowners, participants agreed that lawns are a good place to focus because they are the biggest source of chemical use and where people are interested. Also, lawns are where people are most likely to use calibrated equipment that can make a difference--like the height of mower, timing of mowing and watering, and regularity of fertilizations. Landscapers noted that homeowners are bombarded with images of perfect, homogeneous lawns and that other messages need to be broadcast that make it okay to have clover, a little creeping Charlie, or wood violets in a lawn; i.e., education toward a "biodiverse" lawn. Additionally, people felt that too much of a barrier is being created between chemical and non-chemical approaches and that IPM can provide a useful "middle ground," where some chemical use can occur, keeping customers "happy," while their lawns are transitioning to lower chemical dependence. Also, messages about IPM can emphasize things that homeowners care about such as saving time or water and ensuring the health of children and pets. In addition, as one landscaper emphasized, a sense of humor is sorely needed, and any materials developed need to be fun. There was general agreement that the Web is an increasingly useful source of information and that people in Madison are very Internet-savvy. Also, several landscapers noted that, although they regularly share printed materials with their customers, they feel that very little of it is ever read. Developing a StrategyThese results suggested that one useful social market strategy would target homeowners with information on IPM practices and promote it as a sensible step in safety and caring for the quality of surrounding lakes. Consumer education was identified by Hubbell et al. (2001) as a component of enhancing the potential of IPM adoption by landscapers. Consequently, we were in contact with numerous existing grass roots organizations, such as Greater Madison's Healthy Lawn Team and Madison Area Municipal Stormwater Partnership as well as the Extension network, that could provide avenues for relaying IPM information to homeowners. The project team worked with Richard Brooks, a social marketing specialist at UW-Madison, and designer Mary Kay Warner of Sandhill Studios to design prototype materials for testing and sharing with collaborating watershed and pollution prevention groups in the Madison area. The final product is a Web site <http://www.askaboutipm.info> that includes a series of printable, mailable "quick cards," an IPM information brochure, and an article that can be reprinted in landscapers' and neighborhood group newsletters. The focus of the site is to present the idea of IPM in an amusing manner in order to catch people's interest and to provide them with a way to search out the many sources of information about environmentally friendly lawn care. Each quick card has a picture and phrase such as: "Mom, the Joneses have some dandelions," "Relax! It's just a dandelion," and "I need a dandelion to make my wish." The back of each quick card works to associate the phrase IPM with "healthy lawn" and other words such as "safe," diverse," and "natural." A critical message is the benefit of IPM for the area lakes. ResultsThe launch of the Web site was accompanied by an August 2005 UW-Madison press release. Links to the site were also established from sites of collaborating groups. Visitation to the Web site was highest in the weeks following the launch and then surged again in the spring in response to the weather and an additional mailing to UW-Extension agents. The vast majority of these visits are from Wisconsin but also come from other U.S. states and a few other countries, especially Canada. Interestingly, returning visitors have increased in 2006 over 2005 (Table 2). The site has had no other major advertising other than sharing with collaborating grassroots groups and the Extension network. We were unable to pursue further evaluation of the impact of our materials, but the participation of these groups has clearly been critical, and their involvement has helped not only to generate but also to maintaining interest in, and return visits to the site.
ConclusionsThe research described here established that for professional landscapers working in Madison, Wisconsin, two major barriers to increased use of IPM are 1) a lack of qualified labor and 2) customers' desire for a perfect lawn. In response to the identification of these barriers, the social marketing effort worked with landscapers and members of the pollution prevention community to develop an outreach strategy including prototype educational materials for landscapers, educators, grassroots groups, and others working with homeowners. The general messages developed equate IPM with health, safety, and ease, and encourage people to broaden their vision of a lawn, to think of it as part of a biodiverse community that includes the lakes, and to encourage them to engage landscapers who employ IPM. The material also aims to amuse as well as inform audiences and encourages them to talk to landscapers about IPM. Project results also suggest that two useful future outreach efforts might be 1) the development of "rainy day" and modular IPM trainings for part-time landscape laborers; and 2) research into the potential of a "green label" program that might provide landscapers who use IPM with market recognition for their expertise and efforts, and continue to improve the success of motivated landscapers who would like to use IPM and would do so with more support from their customers. A well-designed social-marketing project extends beyond advertising. Critical elements in our efforts included capitalizing on established connections with the professional landscaping community and Extension network (both of which were critical in garnering participation and interest), as well as establishing new relationships with grassroots and neighborhood groups. Another key element was the saliency of the issue of Lake Monona's water quality, which is of high concern to the general community. This motivation underscores the "marketing" effort with a vision of environmental health in a specific, local context. While social marketing is sometimes described in terms similar to commercial efforts, this experience emphasizes that people's ideals and experiences regarding environmental and personal health are critical elements of communication. Given the size of commercial advertising budgets behind messages about convenience, perfection, and fashion, it is clear that any communication emphasizing patience, tolerance of weeds, and the benefits of "paying more" will only succeed if motivated by personal feelings about health and the environment. ReferencesDunlap, R. E., & Beus, C. E. (1992). Understanding public concerns about pesticides: An empirical examination. J. Consumer Affairs 26(2):418-438 Kassirer J., Koswan, S., Spence, K., & Morphet, S. (2004). The impact of by-laws and public Education programs on reducing the cosmetic/non-essential, residential use of pesticides: A best practices review. Jointly Prepared by: The Canadian Centre for Pollution Prevention and Cullbridge Marketing and Communications. Retrieved April 30, 2007 from: http://www.cbsm.com/Reports/Pesticides.pdf Hubbell, B.J., Florkowski, W. J. Oetting, R., Braman, S. K. & Robacker, C. D. (2001). Implications of lawn care and landscape maintenance firm profiles for adoption of pest-management practices. J. Agric. Appl. Econ. 33:147-159 McKenzie-Mohr, D. & Smith, W. (1999). Fostering sustainable behavior: An introduction to community-based social marketing. New Society Publishers, Gabriola Island, British Colombia Schueler, T. R., & Holland, H. K. (eds.). (2000). Urban pesticides: From the lawn to the stream. The practice of watershed protection. Center for Watershed Protection, Ellicott City, MD Sellmer, J.C., Ostiguy, N. Kelley, K. M. & Hoover, K. (2004). Assess the Integrated Pest Management Practices of Pennsylvania landscape companies. HortScience 32(2): 297-302 Snow, G., & Benedict, J. (2003). Using social marketing to plan a nutrition education program targeting teens. Journal of Extension (On-line), 41(6). Available at: http://www.joe.org/joe/2003december/a4.shtml Templeton, S. R., Zilberman, D., & Yoo, S. J. (1998). An economic perspective on outdoor residential pesticide use. Environmental Science & Technology 32(17): 416A - 423A. U.S. Geological Survey, U.S. Department of the Interior. (1999). The quality of our nation's waters: Nutrients and pesticides. U.S. Geological Survey Circular 1225, 82 p. Retrieved April 30, 2007 from: http://water.usgs.gov/pubs/circ/circ1225/index.html Virginia Tech Entomology Department, Urban Entomology and Pesticide Safety Education Research. (N. D.). Retrieved April 30, 2007 from: http://web.ento.vt.edu/ento/index.jsp Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources. (2004). Chapter NR 151: Runoff management. Retrieved April 30, 2007 from: http://www.legis.state.wi.us/rsb/code/nr/nr151.pdf
Assessment of Producer Implementation of Pork Quality Assurance Good Production Practices
Chester D. Hughes
Kenneth B. Kephart The Pennsylvania State University IntroductionIn 1989, the National Pork Producers Council (NPPC) introduced a voluntary program for pork producers across America aimed at producing safe, wholesome pork products for consumers in both domestic and export markets. The program, Pork Quality Assurance (PQA), outlined 10 Good Production Practices (GPPs) for pork producers to implement on their farms. The 10 practices include:
After receiving initial Level III certification in the PQA program, producers were required to re-certify every 2 years. Methods to conduct PQA producer education have included a review of the 10 GPPs by an educator (veterinarian, Extension agent, or agricultural educator) in group meetings or via on-farm consultation utilizing video, slide presentation, or textbook instruction. Re-certification instruction has included a review of important GPP guidelines, videos, and other visual aids. The Pork Quality Assurance program provides an educational framework for teaching producers the essential elements of producing wholesome and safe pork. As presented graphically (Creswell, 1994) in Figure 1, the goal of the program is to increase knowledge of the producer. The education model shown in Figure 1 assumes that pork producers, regardless of size or financial structure, have an opportunity to gain knowledge from the PQA training and adopt practices outlined in the program. If education and certification promote attitude change, GPPs are more likely implemented.
Figure 1. Increased pressure from consumers and food service associations upon suppliers of meat products may lead to examining the need for a voluntary assessment program. To that end, the National Pork Board is expected to develop a voluntary assessment program that would involve on-farm visits by trained professionals to evaluate the extent to which producers have implemented all PQA Good Production Standards and to be paid for by market support. ProceduresThe purpose of the study reported here was to measure the degree of implementation of the 10 Good Production Practices (GPPs) in the PQA program, which include:
Swine producers with operations in the United States of America comprise the population for the study. Criteria-based sampling (Issac & Michael, 1997) was employed, with the unit of analysis being an individual producer. The target sample size was 80 producers representing five different production types, which were selected to correspond to the typical production and financial arrangements used on swine enterprises in the United States. An inventory of 300 sows was chosen as a threshold value to divide small and large independent sow operations. The five production types are presented below:
To address the research objectives, a survey instrument was developed using a combination of yes/no questions, open-ended questions, categorical data collection, and the observation of quality assurance procedures by trained technicians. Our primary goal in designing the survey was to determine the extent to which swine producers had implemented each of the GPP's in the day-to-day operations of their swine enterprises. In most cases, answers to questions were recorded as (A) acceptable, (N) needs improvement, or (NA) not applicable. To record an answer as acceptable, the respondent would have to meet all criteria described in the PQA manual for each respective item. Data were collected for this survey from 78 pork producers on farms in Minnesota (n=20), North Carolina (n=20), Oklahoma (n=18), and Pennsylvania (n=20). Trained technicians contacted participants by telephone using a uniform phone script that explained the purpose of the survey, requested consent for participation, and explained the conditions of privacy. Technicians conducted face-to-face interviews over a 5-month period with the 78 swine producers who collectively fulfilled the five categories of swine operations previously described. ResultsThe results provided herein highlight the relevant components of each production practice in order to assess the overall implementation rates associated with the 10 Good Production Practices in the PQA program (Table 1).
IdentificationEighty-six percent of the producers utilized an identification system that enabled proper medication withdrawal. Medication RecordsFifty-five percent of producers maintained written medication records that met the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) Compliance Policy Guide (CPG) 7125.37 in all respects. The FDA CPG 7125.37 requires treatment records to include: date administered, animal identification, product name, amount of drug given, who administered the medication, and the drug withdrawal days. While most producers included the required information, interviewers discovered that many producers did not include the name of the individual administering the medication. Medication StorageNinety-nine percent of the producers stored non-refrigerated medications according to label directions. Seventy-three percent properly stored medications requiring refrigeration, and 99% properly stored medications requiring below freezing temperatures. Outdated medications were disposed of properly by 80% of the producers. Veterinarian/Client/Patient/RelationshipThe PQA Program requires a valid Veterinarian/Client/Patient Relationship (VCPR), which implies that the veterinarian: 1) has assumed the responsibility for making medical judgments regarding the health of the animals; 2) has sufficient knowledge of the animals; and 3) is readily available for follow-up consultations. Overall, 81% of participants in this study earned an acceptable rating for meeting the terms of a valid VCPR. Of those not meeting all the VCPR criteria, many relied on the company personnel servicing the unit (which may have a VCPR in place that was not identified due to the limitations of the survey) to help them make medical decisions. Administration TechniquesNinety-six percent of the producers administered injections in the proper location, and 91% utilized appropriate needles. One hundred percent of the subjects reported mixing water medications according to label. Drug Residue TestsDrug residue tests may be appropriate on swine farms when cull sows or young pigs are sold, or when animals are used for exhibitions. It is advisable to consult the herd veterinarian when these tests are used even though the tests are available over the counter. In this group of producers, 62 of the 78 producers had used drug residue tests; 50% of these individuals consulted their veterinarian before doing so. Herd Health PlanEffective herd health plans require biosecurity and rodent control procedures to minimize the spread of disease within and from other swine operations, as well as an established, written disease prevention plan. About 68% of producers in this group had effective biosecurity plans, 83% had effective rodent control programs, while 53% had documented their disease prevention plans in writing. Proper Swine CareProper swine care involves a wide range of husbandry skills and appropriate equipment and facilities. Proper animal restraint was achieved by 82% of the participants, 92% used equipment for moving hogs that minimized stress, and 99% of the participants successfully prevented physical hazards related to needles and sharp objects. Feed HandlingA sizable majority of producers handled feed in a safe and appropriate manner, as 97% used feed medications according to label directions, and 91% properly identified bins and feeders. Seventy-two percent of subjects maintained written records of medicated feed production and purchases Continuing EducationProducers are expected to maintain their PQA certification requirements. Seventy-nine percent of producers received acceptable scores for continuing education and PQA recertification. ConclusionsFrom this assessment of five different types of pork production operations that are representative of the United States swine industry, we found that pork producers, in general, successfully complete physical activities associated with the 10 Good Production Practices of the Pork Quality Assurance program. Identification systems for animals, storage conditions of medications, maintaining a good working relationship with the herd veterinarian, techniques for administering medications, animal care, and on-farm feed manufacturing procedures received high marks for this group of pork producers. This is an important finding, as these factors comprise the essential activities needed in the production of safe and wholesome pork. There are opportunities for PQA educators to help producers improve in areas of record-keeping, documentation of production practices, and continuing education. For example, 45% of producers did not include all of the items outlined in the FDA CPG 7125.37 in their medication records (date administered, animal identification, product name, amount of drug given, who administered the medication, and the drug withdrawal days). Who administered the drug was a common omission from medication records. Pork producers establish organized disease prevention plans as a standard operating practice, but 47% of individuals in this survey group needed to document their plan in writing. Finally, producers have a wide range of continuing education opportunities, including PQA recertification, and a majority (79%) received acceptable ratings, but PQA educators could devote more attention to this area. Educational ImplicationsFor Extension educators serving in the role as PQA educators for the National Pork Board's Pork Quality Assurance program, the following recommendations are suggested to improve program delivery methods and the compliance levels of certified pork producers. Recommendations are listed in the order of the Good Production Practices (GPPs). IdentificationThe identification of animals on sow farms is at a high level of compliance for GPP#1. However, the swine industry would benefit from more lasting methods that would serve to identify nursery, weaner, grower, and finisher pigs for medication withdrawal to slaughter. Medication recordsThe PQA program provides sample record-keeping and management forms to aide producers in meeting the requirements of this GPP. It is recommended that PQA educators emphasize keeping written medication records that meet all of the items outlined by FDA. It would be helpful to have revised sample record sheets, highlighting the required items. Educators and/or NPB could produce and distribute record notebooks that satisfy the FDA requirements and prompt producers to keep appropriate records. Medication StorageSwine producers, in general, meet the requirements for medication storage. An opportunity for imp | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
